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Derniers articles : Communiqué du CSAPR relatif à l’accord politique du 13 août 2007 - - 25 août 2007 Le gouvernement maintient des enfants soldats dans les rangs - - 17 juillet 2007 Government Keeps Children in Army Ranks - - 17 July 2007 Grève dans le secteur public - - 24 mai 2007 Le gouvernement doit accepter la présence de forces des Nations unies pour protéger les civils dans l’est du pays - - 4 avril 2007 Les gouvernements de la région doivent cesser tout soutien aux groupes armés - - 9 janvier 2007 Des civils laissés sans protection face aux attaques brutales perpétrées par les Janjawid jusqu’à 150 kilomètres à l’intérieur des frontières du Tchad - - 1er décembre 2006 Civilians left unprotected as brutal Janjawid attacks reach 150 kilometres inside Chad - - 1 December 2006 La FIJ condamne l’extension de la censure des médias au Tchad - - 28 novembre 2006 IFJ Condemns Extension of Media Censure in Chad - - 28 November 2006 Les civils d’origine arabe également visés par les milices - - 27 novembre 2006 Alors que les Janjawids lancent de nouvelles attaques dans l’est du Tchad, Amnesty International appelle à la protection des civils - - 13 octobre 2006 Voir également : Sénégal : Aucun progrès notable dans l’organisation du procès de Hissène Habré Sénégal : Senegal Failing to Act on Trial of Hissène Habré République centrafricaine : Le respect de la loi et le maintien de l’ordre disparaissent, tandis que les civils fuient la violence et les tueries République centrafricaine : Law and order collapsing as civilians flee violence and killings Soudan : Urgence d’une protection internationale effective pour les populations civiles soudanaises et tchadiennes Sénégal : Le Sénégal adopte une loi permettant de juger Hissène Habré Lutte contre l’impunité : Sommet de l’Union africaine : Hissène Habré doit être jugé Lutte contre l’impunité : L’ONU exhorte le Sénégal à réouvrir le dossier Hissène Habré Lutte contre l’impunité : African NGOs Urge Justice in Habré Case Lutte contre l’impunité : Trente-cinq organisations africaines de défense des droits de l’Homme demandent justice dans le cas Habré FMI et Banque mondiale : Abandon de l’oléoduc Tchad-Cameroun - la Banque mondiale s’enfonce dans le ridicule Lutte contre l’impunité : Les crimes de l’ancien dictateur tchadien entre les mains de l’Union africaine Lutte contre l’impunité : Senegal Places Crimes of Ex-Chad Dictator in Hands of African Union Sénégal : Ni juger, ni extrader : consécration de l’impunité par le Sénégal Cameroun : Oléoduc tchad-cameroun : jugement par un tribunal populaire Site(s) web : Groupe de Recherches Alternatives et de Monitoring du projet Pétrole Tchad- Cameroun : Comité de Suivi de l’Appel à la paix et à la réconciliation au Tchad : Eclairage critique du projet pétrolier Tchad-Cameroun : Journaliste En Danger - Afrique Centrale : Dernier(s) document(s) : The Chad-Cameroon Oil & Pipeline Project: A Project Non-Completion Report - - 2 June 2007 (PDF - 1 Mb) Mémorandum de la société civile tchadienne pour une paix durable au Tchad - Par la Coordination des Associations de la Société Civile et de Défense des Droits de l’Homme (Cascidho) et le Comité de Suivi de l’Appel à la Paix et à la Réconciliation (CSAPR) - 30 May 2007 (PDF - 218 kb) Recommandations pour une sortie de crise - Mémorendum du Comité de Suivi de l’Appel à la Paix et à la Réconciliation - CSAPR - 1 December 2006 (Word - 91.5 kb) Le pétrole tchadien : miracle ou mirage ? - Suivre I’argent du dernier-né des pétro-États d’Afrique, un rapport de Catholic Relief Services et du Bank Information Center. - 3 May 2005 (PDF - 1.5 Mb) Une justice au point mort - Rapport de la FIDH - July 2002 (PDF - 2.3 Mb) Pour qui le pétrole coulera-t-il ? - Rapport d’enquête de la FIDH sur le pipeline Tchad Cameroun - July 2000 (PDF - 1 Mb) |
Arab Civilians Also Targeted by Militias Chadian Government Should Mediate, Not Inflame Local Tensions 27 November 2006 - http://www.hrw.org/ Chadian Arabs are among the victims of an escalating cycle of violence in southeast Chad near the border with Darfur, and Chadian officials should cease support to armed groups responsible for abuses, Human Rights Watch said today. Several hundred people were killed and at least 10,000 displaced in recent militia attacks on approximately 60 Chadian villages, primarily in and around Kerfi, Koloy and Bandikao, in October and November. Many of the attacks were carried out by Chadian Arab militia against non-Arab communities. But at least one of the attacks in the Kerfi area, 40 kilometers southeast of Goz Beida, was carried out by Dajo militia on a Chadian Arab village. Some Dajo self-defense groups in Dar Sila have received support and sponsorship from Darfur rebels linked to Chadian officials. “Arab communities in Chad and Darfur have been the silent victims of attacks by militias and are suffering from the stereotype that all Arabs are ‘Janjaweed,’” said Peter Takirambudde, Africa director at Human Rights Watch. “The Chadian government’s support to the Darfur rebels and select ethnic militias is exacerbating existing inter-ethnic tensions in Chad, and the Chadian government must defuse this violence even-handedly.” In mid-October a Dajo militia group attacked the Chadian Arab village of Amchamgari, killing at least 17 people and wounding seven. Witnesses in Amchamgari told Human Rights Watch that the militia consisted of Dajo men primarily from the neighboring village of Djorlo, in the Kerfi area, who attacked their village in the early afternoon. Eyewitnesses said that the attackers came on foot, wearing a combination of army camouflage and civilian clothes, and were armed with both automatic weapons and spears. Afterwards, Arab militia attacked the village of Djorlo, which was partially burned. It is unclear if those who attacked Amchamgari were backed by the government of Chad or the Sudanese rebels. However Human Rights Watch research indicates that some Chadian officials have been actively supporting Darfur rebel factions and ethnic self-defense groups in the region, partly in response to recent Chadian rebel attacks. Many of the perpetrators and victims from both Arab and non-Arab ethnic groups in Dar Sila have described an atmosphere of mutual hostility and suspicion. Attacks have been accompanied by accusations of links to either the Darfur rebels or the “Janjaweed” militias respectively. For instance, a Dajo witness interviewed by Human Rights Watch claimed that Chadian Arabs are allied with Sudanese militias and “have become Janjaweed.” In turn, a Salamat Arab leader maintained that some ethnic groups, including the Dajo and Muro, have links to Sudanese rebels whose intent is “to kill the Arabs.” “These are not just communal clashes, there is a clear political link to both Darfur and Chad’s internal turmoil,” said Takirambudde. “The Chadian authorities must refrain from arming and supporting abusive militias, whether directly or indirectly through the Darfur rebels.” The advent of the Darfur conflict has introduced an explosive element among the many ethnic groups that straddle the Chad-Sudan border. Armed groups allied with Sudan and Chad have proliferated, many backed or tolerated by either the Sudanese or Chadian governments. Chadian civilians have become victims of attacks, and Chadian militias have become perpetrators. Underlying the recent clashes, however, is persistent tension over land and water resources between some Arab groups, such as the Salamat, who tend to be pastoralists or semi-pastoralists, and non-Arabs in the area such as the Dajo and Muro, who tend to be agriculturalists. In addition, the influx of Darfur refugees into eastern Chad has increased the strain on available resources. Approximately 220,000 Darfur refugees have sought refuge in eastern Chad since the Darfur conflict ignited in 2003. This year, militia violence has displaced 70,000 Chadian civilians in eastern Chad. Eastern Dar Sila has been the epicenter of the recent militia attacks. On November 17, Chadian Arab leaders signed a peace accord with Dajo and Muro leaders in Goz Beida, the provincial capital of Dar Sila. “Chadian officials must ensure that all civilians receive protection, regardless of their ethnicity,” Takirambudde said. “And international humanitarian agencies should strive to reach Arab civilians who are slipping through the relief net.” Eyewitness Accounts of Attacks on Chadian Arabs in Eastern Chad According to a Salamat Arab leader in Dar Sila: “The start of the problem was when the refugees came and planted their fields and the cattle herders from Samasim [an Arab settlement in the Kerfi area] came with their animals. As soon as the refugees got here there were problems. They all have family members in Chad, some of them had fought in the war in Darfur, where they learned to kill the Arabs, and they were ready to do the same thing in Chad. They taught the Chadians to hate the Arabs. Before, the Dajo of Dar Sila had families with the Arabs. And the Muro as well intermarried with the Arabs. “Then the Tora Bora [regional nickname for the Darfur rebels] came here among the refugees and the locals. Even the chefs de canton started to say, this is my territory, the Arabs can’t come here with their animals. But the Salamat have been in Dar Sila from before there was a Sultan [....] The biggest problem is the problem of water. The Africans plant fields on either side of Wadi Azoum. In the rainy season it doesn’t make a difference but in the dry season it’s the only water for our animals. And they make thorn fences around their fields; they block our route to the water. If we had wells for our animals far away from the wadi [dry river bed] there would be no problems. Now there are fields on both sides of the wadi. Before, there were no people here, not like now. There were not a lot of animals. Now there are lots of both. People make fields all the way to Am Timan. With the arrival of the refugees came the problems: two camps: near Koukou and near Goz Beida. With the arrival of the refugees there was trouble. “But we signed a peace accord yesterday, and it’s a good accord! We’re going to think about the future. If anyone among us makes disorder, we’ll take them to the government.” According to a 46-year-old Salamat Arab cattle nomad: “The attack started at 2 p.m. I was at home, taking a nap, when I heard the gunshots. I went outside and saw that the houses were on fire. People were screaming. Some men from the village were killed right away; they were dead on the ground. They were shooting at us with arrows and automatic weapons and making their war cry. I went back inside and got my machete. Some of us fought, and some ran. They wanted to steal our cattle but we didn’t let them. The combat lasted until 6 p.m. Two children were in the fields with the cattle and they must have been killed because we never found them. There were 1,500 of them. All of them came on foot; I saw two horses to carry the bullets. One horse was black and one was red. Some of them were in camouflage uniform. Most were wearing T-shirts. Some of them I knew.” According to a Salamat Arab wounded during the attack on Amchamgari: “I was wounded on the 19th day of Ramadan [October 12, 2006] in Amchamgari. I lived there for 15 years. They came at 2 pm. I was sleeping under a tree and my children came running and said, ‘father, we have to run! They’re attacking us.’ But it was already too late to run. They were shooting into our village. Some fell down dead right away; others were wounded. They started burning our houses. I took my machete. Some were in uniforms but most were wearing civilian clothing. They made a war cry, ‘Ak, ak, ak, ak, ak.’ They said, ‘Jahao Doom!’ and ‘kill the Arabs!’ We were fighting face to face when I got shot in the foot from very close. The man who shot me was wearing a black T-shirt. I tried to get to safety and I was shot in the back with an arrow. They wanted us dead. But we never attacked them, we never provoked them. We are innocent people. They burned our village and killed 17 of us for no other reason than because we are Arabs.” |
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